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Sport organizations increasingly emphasize their support for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) inclusion by promoting a perfect score on the Athlete Ally Equality Index, partnering with nonprofits to increase awareness of LGBTQ individuals in sport (e.g. Rainbow Laces campaign), or hosting a pride night for LGBTQ fans. Despite these and similar efforts, LGBTQ fans historically have felt unwelcome in sport settings, thereby signaling the need for inclusive fan codes of conduct. The purpose of this study was to examine both the prevalence and antecedents of such policies.

Using publicly available data sources, the authors focused on 350 Division 1 college athletic departments in the USA.

Results illustrate factors at both the macro (i.e. institution) and meso- (i.e. athletic department) levels interact to explain whether a school will possess a fan code of conduct. Specifically, research-intensive institutions with strong gender equity are more likely to possess a code of conduct than schools that are not research oriented and have weak gender equity. This project extends the understanding of LBGTQ inclusion in the sports industry.

The current study is the first to examine the prevalence and predictors of LGBTQ-inclusive fan codes of conduct. Understanding these dynamics can help athletic programs that want to create safe and inclusive sport spaces for LGBTQ fans and spectators.

The purpose of this study was to examine how identity covering techniques can influence raters' perceptions of job candidates who have a socially stigmatized identity. Specifically, the authors explore how raters respond to two types of candidates: one who does not mention his gay identity during the interview process, and one who openly discusses their gay identity during the interview process. The authors also investigate whether job type (sport operations vs business operations) and the rater's views toward social equality influence perceptions of job fit and subsequent hiring recommendations.

The authors conducted an experiment to examine whether an applicant's level of stigma covering, type of job posting and rater's views toward social equality influenced perceptions of job fit. The authors then tested whether perceptions of job fit mediated hiring recommendations. Adults in the USA (n = 237) who were employed and had served on a hiring committees participated in the survey.

When applying for sport operations jobs, as opposed to business operations jobs, gay male applicants are viewed more favorably if they engage in high levels of identity covering. Further, the applicant's level of stigma covering influenced raters who reported high or moderate social dominance orientation but did not impact raters with low social dominance orientation. Overall, the findings reveal that identity covering techniques do have relevance for studying the dynamics of hiring gay men who apply for jobs in the sport industry.

The study advances the understanding of identity management techniques by examining the nuances of how applicants can choose to disclose their stigmatized identity, and how those decision influence the hiring process.

Radical feminists position any forms of sex work as gender violence against individuals and more broadly for all women in society. I argue against the ideological stance that sex work is inherently violent and as a result should be outlawed, setting out how this ideology and dogma has allowed structural factors to persist. In this paper, I argue that despite the unacceptable high levels of violence against sex workers across the globe, violence in sex work is not inevitable. Through a review of the literature as well as drawing on research from the United Kingdom, I deconstruct the myth of inevitable violence. In turn I argue that violence is dependent on three dynamics. First, environment: spaces in which sex work happens has an intrinsic bearing on the safety of those who work there. Second, the relationship to the state: how prostitution is governed in any one jurisdiction and the treatment of violence against sex workers by the police and judicial system dictates the very organization of the sex industry and the regulation, health and safety of the sex work communities. Third, I argue that social status and stigma have significant effects on societal attitudes toward sex workers and how they are treated. It is because of these interlocking structural, cultural, legal, and social dynamics that violence exists and therefore it is these exact dynamics that hold the solutions to preventing violence against sex workers. Toward the end of the paper, I examine the UK’s “Merseyside model” whereby police treat violence against sex workers as a hate crime. It is in these examples of innovative practice despite a national and international criminalization agenda against sex workers, that human rights against a sexual minority group can be upheld.